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The 2018 abortion referendum: over before it began!
(Bloomsbury Publishing, 2020-01-15) Reidy, Theresa; Browne, Kath; Calkin , Sydney
Ireland was a mostly conservative outpost of Western Europe until the 1990s and the conservative values and policy posi-tions contained in the constitution rested easily with a large majority of voters until at least the 1960s (Lee 1989; Ferriter 2010). Economic expansion and social modernisation in the decades that followed led to the emergence of a new and deep-seated conservative-liberal cleavage in politics (Sinnott 1995). Contraception, divorce and abortion were the main issues on this political fault line and debates became increasingly divisive in the ensuing decades and were widely known as the ‘culture wars’ by the 1980s. Undoubtedly, abortion was the most contro-versial and enduring of these issues. A process of six referendum questions on four separate polling days began with the passing of the Pro-Life (Anti-Abortion) Amendment in 1983. Referendums in Ireland have been classified into three categories: international treaties, legal and political reforms and moral-social questions. Abortion falls into the category of moral-social questions (Sinnott 2002). These referendums draw from the fundamental values that citizens have about how society should be organised and campaigns on these questions have tended to be politically charged and divisive. Paddy O’Carroll described the 1983 abortion referendum as having delivered a campaign of “unparalleled divisiveness, bitterness and rancour” (O’Carroll 1991: 57). Abortion was never far from the political agenda in the following decades, but the first referendum, which sought to liberalise abortion provision, was not put before the people until 2018. This chapter will provide a brief overview of the six abortion votes outlining the evolution of the issue in public debate, the role of campaign actors and the pathway to the 2018 referendum in section one. Section two will present evidence from a series of opinion polls and exit polls which indicate shifting attitudes towards abortion provision. It will use data from the RTÉ-Universities exit poll at the 2018 referendum to demonstrate that Irish attitudes to abortion had liberalised considerably in the previous decade and that the referendum campaign, while important for the mobilisation of voters, was instrumental in changing the views of only a small proportion of voters. In large part, this accounts for the stability in preferences recorded in polls in the lead up to and throughout the campaign. Some reflections on abortion referendums are included in the final section.
The 2020 general election: a gender analysis
(Routledge - Taylor & Francis Group, 2020-05-13) Buckley, Fiona; Galligan, Yvonne
The February 2020 general election will be remembered as the “change” election, when the two dominant parties of Irish politics, Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael, trailed behind Sinn Féin in voters' preferences for the first time. However, for the gender balance of Irish politics, much remained unchanged. While the number of women elected to Dáil Éireann increased by one, this marginal growth since the 2016 general election was deemed a disappointment by analysts and advocates alike. A review of candidacy reveals that Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael lag behind other parties in terms of the proportion of women selected and rely on the 'add-on' route to shore up their female candidacy base. The success rates of female candidates were markedly lower than those of their male counterparts in the Labour party, Greens, Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael. However, the election was a good outing for women in the Social Democrats and Sinn Féin, and especially for Mary Lou McDonald, who became the first woman to lead a party to top-spot in an Irish general election. The legislative gender quota continued to play an integral role in ensuring a critical mass of women were selected to contest the general election. In many respects, 2020 was a consolidation election for the gender quota as it fits-in and integrates into party candidate selection processes. Yet, with just 22.5% of the seats in Dáil Éireann occupied by women, the legislative gender quota should be viewed as the start rather than the culmination of efforts to support women's candidacy and election.
Abortion referendums in Ireland
(Springer International Publishing, 2019-10-23) Reidy, Theresa; Brunn, Stanley D.; Kehrein, Roland
Ireland was a conservative outpost on the European periphery for much of the twentieth century. From independence in 1922, the state pursued social policies heavily influenced by religious values, and indeed the 1937 constitution embedded many of these positions in the framework of the state. The constitution included a prohibition on divorce and a statement which strongly favored women remaining in the domestic sphere. These policies were supported by the majority Catholic population, but social values began to evolve by the 1960s. This can be seen in the shifting narratives in the debates on many social and political issues. This chapter will focus on a single issue – abortion. It will undertake an evaluation of the debates on the six abortion referendum question wordings, campaign narratives, and voting patterns. The analysis will provide compelling evidence of remarkable value change in just four decades.
An analysis of political efficacy socialisation among threshold voters in the Republic of Ireland
(University College Cork, 2011-10) Murphy, Philip Joseph; Harris, Clodagh; Irish Research Council for Humanities and Social Sciences
The spread of democracy in the latter part of the twenty first century has been accompanied by an increasing focus on its perceived performance in established western democracies. Recent literature has expressed concern about a critical outlook among younger cohorts which threatens their political support and engagement. Political efficacy, referring to the feeling of political effectiveness, is considered to be a key indicator of the performance of democratic politics; as it refers to the empowerment of citizens, and relates to their willingness to engage in political matters. The aim of this thesis is to analyse the socialisation of political efficacy among those on the threshold of political adulthood; i.e., 'threshold voters'. The long-term significance of attitudes developed by time of entry to adulthood for political engagement during adulthood has been emphasised in recent literature. By capturing the effect of non-political and political learning among threshold voters, the study advances existing research frames which focus on childhood and early adolescent socialisation. The theoretical and methodological framework applied herein recognises the distinction between internal and external political efficacy, which has not been consistently operationalized in existing research on efficacy socialisation. This research involves a case study of 'threshold voters' in the Republic of Ireland, and employs a quantitative methodology. A study on Irish threshold voters is timely as the parliament and government have recently proposed a lowering of the voting age and an expansion of formal political education to this age group. A project-specific survey instrument was developed and administered to a systematic stratified sample of 1,042 post-primary students in the Cork area. Interpretation of the results of statistical analysis leads to findings on the divergent influence of family, school, associational, and political agents/environments on threshold voter internal and external political efficacy.
Assessing the impact of deliberation and information on opinion change: a quasi-experiment in public deliberation
(2012-06-21) O'Malley, Eoin; Farrell, David M.; Suiter, Jane
Deliberative democracy has become fashionable for many and it has been used in some places to solve real-world policy problems. However measuring the ‘success’ of deliberative democracy is not clearly achievable. For most ‘success’ is measured in terms of opinion change, but these are only rarely measured against control groups, and in particular there is no way of knowing if the opinion change took place because of the deliberation or because of information they received through the deliberation process. Exercises in deliberation seem to represent one big treatment. But we would want to separate out the component parts of the treatment. This paper outlines the results of an experiment in which deliberation took place in a pilot Citizens’ Assembly in Ireland. As part of this we measured the impact using pre and post-test controls, including a control group given the information the CA participants received, but without the deliberation. The results of the experiment reveal that there is a deliberation effect separate to the information effect.
Ballot paper design: evidence from an experimental study at the 2009 local elections
(Taylor & Francis Group, 42307) Reidy, Theresa; Buckley, Fiona; Royal Irish Academy
The overriding principle of ballot design is that it should not confer any a priori advantage to one candidate over another. Ballot format should not determine or condition an election outcome. Yet, there is a sizeable body of evidence which demonstrates that in many circumstances the design of ballot papers and voting machines contravenes the normative assumption of electoral neutrality. In this article, we look at the impact of ballot paper design at local elections in the Republic of Ireland (hereafter Ireland). The article uses data from an experimental election study conducted at the local elections in Ireland in 2009. Overall the study finds some evidence of a primacy effect and it also demonstrates that candidates located in the middle of the ballot face a challenge as they receive the lowest vote shares of all candidates across the four replica ballots. This mid-table obscurity remains even when party affiliation is known. Thus, it can be argued that candidates placed in such positions incur a disadvantage. To neutralise this effect, the article concludes with a recommendation that a system of random ordering of ballot positions across ballot papers should be implemented so as to ensure that each candidate appears at each ballot position on an equal number of times.
Ballot paper photographs and low-information elections in Ireland
(Political Studies Association; Blackwell Publishing, 2007-10) Buckley, Fiona; Collins, Neil; Reidy, Theresa
In an attempt to facilitate greater voting participation in the Republic of Ireland, photographs of candidates have been placed on the ballot paper for local, national and European elections. Limited research undertaken in advance of the implementation of the photograph policy advised that the measure would assist people with literacy problems. However, social psychology research has long demonstrated that people are willing to make considerable judgements about a person when shown a photograph. The advent of ballot paper photographs allows candidates to be evaluated on the basis of their appearance. This article will explore how photographs could have become a factor in voter decision-making. Providing additional knowledge to encourage greater participation and engagement has introduced a possible new level of superficiality into the voter decision-making process.
Best practices in professional development in graduate education
(Edward Elgar Publishing, 2015-10) Harris, Clodagh; Ishiyama, John; Miller, William J.; Simon, Eszter
Analyses of professional development in political science education have traditionally focused on undergraduate students. However, changes in the postgraduate labor market as well as advances in the nature and delivery of postgraduate programs have required faculty to pay greater attention to professional development in graduate education (Listokin and McKeever 2011). It is recognized that the approaches, techniques and tools used in the professional development of undergraduate students may not be as well suited for graduate students in terms of preparing them for an academic career (Obst et al. 2010, p. 571), which requires developing a specialized skill set they will need as researchers, teachers and contributors to the faculty and the wider community (service). This chapter explores developments in the professionalization of graduate education with reference to best practices in North America and Europe. It focuses on the following developments in political science and international relations: doctoral education; teacher training; mentoring; and mobility, all of which can prepare a student for a future academic career. It also includes a discussion of the role played by professional associations in developing and supporting disciplinary best practice. Finally, it concludes with some recommendations for the future of graduate professional development programs. It is important to note that this chapter focuses primarily on developing graduates professional skills for the academic labor market rather than other forms of employment.
Between the devil and the DUP: the Democratic Unionist Party and the politics of Brexit
(Springer Nature, 2019-10-11) Murphy, Mary C.; Evershed, Jonathan; Economic and Social Research Council
The Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) gained an unexpected foothold at the heart of the British political system following the 2017 UK general election. Political arithmetic compelled the then Prime Minister Theresa May to enter a Confidence and Supply Agreement with Northern Ireland’s ten DUP MPs in order to shore up her minority government. The timing of the DUP’s positioning at the UK’s constitutional centre coincided with the early phase of the Brexit process and afforded the small Northern Ireland political party a degree of influence as the UK struggled to agree the terms of its departure from the EU. This article provides some analytical clarity as to how and why the DUP unexpectedly came to play a leading role in Brexit’s complex and dramatic political theatre. Drawing on interviews with senior DUP figures, opposing political parties, civil servants and political commentators, this article demonstrates the hollowness of the DUP’s Brexit position, and points to ways in which the party’s influence over the UK’s approach to the Brexit negotiations undermined relationships in Northern Ireland between unionists and nationalists, between North and South (on the island of Ireland), and between Ireland and the UK. The research reveals that Brexit has precipitated (a return to) a disruptive Unionist politics which is defined by a profound and destabilising ontological insecurity and a fear of being ‘sold out’.
Bridging normative democratic theory and internet technologies: a proposal for scaling citizen policy deliberations
(Wiley, 2014-01-28) Liston, Vanessa; Harris, Clodagh; O'Toole, Mark
This article presents an experimental model for citizen deliberation that bridges the gap between developments in normative deliberative theory, and online participation and deliberation in practice. The Social Web for Inclusive and Transparent democracy (SOWIT) model is designed for integration into policy‐making processes. It is currently being developed in consultation with citizens, civil society organizations, and Councilors in an Irish local authority and will be implemented in 2014. Our approach is rooted in Dryzek and Niemeyer's (Dryzek and Niemeyer [2008]. American Political Science Review 102(4): 481–93) innovations in discursive representation and meta‐consensus as well as Bächtiger et al.'s (Bächtiger et al. [2010]. Journal of Political Philosophy 18: 32–63) sequential approach to deliberation. SOWIT pioneers a dynamic implementation of a meta‐consensus framework for structuring and incentivizing policy deliberations. In this article, we present the model, explain its normative rationale, and outline the experimental framework .
Bringing a network perspective to Chinese internet studies: an exploratory analysis
(Springer, 2013-12) Chen, Yu-Wen
This paper adopts a network perspective to explore the ways digitally-mediated relationships prompt social and/or political participation in China. In the "chicken game scenario", my analysis suggests that collective actions are facilitated by both weak and strong ties, which generate a fairly unified collective identity that is conductive to high-risk mobilization. In the "public crisis scenario", it is generally weak ties that facilitate relatively lower-risk mobilization. In the "compromise scenario", if collective actions do occur, they are generally low-risk and non-political. This appears to be largely due to the dominance of weak ties in the compromise scenario. The "banal scenario" is a black box that has yet to be sufficiently investigated in the future.
Bringing people into the heart of constitutional design: the Irish Constitutional Convention of 2012-14
(Routledge, 2018-08-14) Farrell, David M.; Harris, Clodagh; Suiter, Jane
Campaigning by human branding: Associating with American Presidents
(2020-09-08) Collins, Neil
Human branding has become an essential issue in political marketing. It is exemplified in the election of American Presidents. This paper examines the American experience to suggest a typology of human branding that may apply in both presidential and other political systems. It examines examples of presidential human brands from George Washington on but, given significant changes to electoral procedures, concentrates on first-time successful presidential candidates since 1901. The fourfold typology offers an interrelated set of ideal types that will augment the analysis of human branding. It is applied to presidents when they take up office rather than after serving. The typology draws on the source of primary brand association and relation to the core political system of each politician.
Changes in practice of diplomacy 2000-2020, case study: Ireland's Department of Foreign Affairs
(University College Cork, 2022) Ní Fhallúin, Deirdre; Cottey, Andrew
As the practice of diplomacy has undergone dramatic change in the first two decades of the 21st century, this thesis examines to what extent those changes have had an impact on Ireland’s Department of Foreign Affairs as the principal actor in Irish diplomacy and foreign policy. Interviews were conducted with a cross-section of serving senior Irish diplomats to investigate how the Irish foreign service – the Department of Foreign Affairs and its diplomats – has responded in a time of challenge and change. A study of the literature suggested that the changes to the practice of international diplomacy could be categorised under three headings – actors, issues and systems. A wide- range of state and non-state actors now participate in international diplomacy, meaning that foreign ministries engage with a far greater range of stakeholders than heretofore. As the distinction between domestic and foreign policy issues becomes less clear and as the diplomatic agenda widens well beyond the traditional areas of international peace and security, foreign ministries are dealing with more complex and cross-cutting issues than ever before. These changes have impacted on both the foreign ministry as an organisation and the individual diplomat practitioner. A review of the literature on Irish diplomacy revealed a gap in respect of how these changes have influenced the role and work of the Department of Foreign Affairs since 2000. By interviewing serving diplomats, insights and analysis were obtained that might not otherwise have been available. The research uncovered developments in the relationships between the Department of Foreign Affairs and other state actors such as the Department of the Taoiseach, other government departments, the state agencies and the parliament. Interaction with non-state actors such as the Irish public, the diaspora and civil society were also considered. The widening of the diplomatic agenda was also reflected in the research in relation to newer issues like values-based diplomacy, climate change and migration, while more long- standing areas of focus such as economic and trade diplomacy, consular work and security and defence issues were also examined. Changes to both the size and organisational culture of the Department of Foreign Affairs emerged as significant themes in the research. Finally, topics related to the individual diplomat were considered including the rise of public diplomacy and whether the characteristics and skills that diplomats have traditionally prioritised enable them to operate successfully in this more complex and challenging environment.
Citizens in uniform: an examination of the Irish military representation in comparison with European military trade unionism and the ideals of the European social charter
(University College Cork, 2019-10-03) de Barra, Ruairí; Cottey, Andrew
Óglaigh na hÉireann is experiencing a crisis in the recruitment and retention of personnel, with the crisis having greater effect on the enlisted personnel. There has been a deluge of claims and counterclaims of failures by the state to provide suitable levels of remuneration and conditions of service in order to ensure the Irish Defence Forces can meet all the tasks assigned to them by Government. These claims have played out across the national media over the past number of years. With these claims growing ever more serious, to a point where there are now claims that the national security of the Irish state could be compromised if solutions are not swiftly found to the current crisis. This thesis seeks to examine these claims by primarily looking at the industrial relations mechanisms and arrangement available to the Irish Defence Forces, through their representative bodies, and to explore if these arrangements are adequate to provide the means through which appropriate levels of remuneration and conditions of service can be achieved. Are these structures adequate in the context of recent case law, and the recent Defence Forces Conciliation and Arbitration scheme review? Can they function correctly while the representative bodies remain within the bounds of current Defence Forces Regulation and Government policy on military representation and military trade unionism? By examining key concepts of the relationships between governments, their armed forces, and the state they serve, the human rights of the European citizen and those of the armed forces member, a view of the importance of the relationship of trust between a state and its armed service personnel is presented here. Then the Irish military representative bodies and arrangement will be compared with the systems in place and afforded to their European counterparts, and some International counterparts, and the ideals and aspirations of the European Social Charter are used to measure the current situation, and what the future vision may hold. There is no easy answer or single solution to this complex crisis. Indeed, the current DF crisis is not unique to the just to the DF in Ireland, many other public sector workers face many similar issues. Across Europe, many militaries are suffering from the struggle to recruit enough personnel for their armed forces, as under-funding of militaries in general and the ever-increasing cost of military personnel (as a percentile of overall armed forces funding) place huge pressure on strained resources. The current symptoms of dysfunctionality within the DF representative system, may be more reflective of the larger economic challenges within in Ireland and across the EU, than a true reflection of a systemic failure. It will take great effort, determination, and co-operation to navigate the DF through the current crisis. It can and it must be done, and strong effective DF representation associations are a core part of those solutions. The representative bodies are on a par with any in the EU, with due regards to certain limitations and restrictions, and they will grow stronger and more effective as the reforms proposed are being implemented over the coming months and years. The relationships with the official side must be reset and rejuvenated, it is of vital importance to all sides that the members of the DF have confidence in the system which is meant to provide for their welfare and rights. The storm clouds of BREXIT and a possible global recession are gathering, and the DF must consolidate and be ready for whatever comes. The security of the state requires a full functioning, appropriately staffed, highly skilled, highly trained, and highly motivated DF to continue to serve the nation, as they have for decades. In order for the DF be as best prepared for any eventuality, this current crisis must be halted and brought to a swift a conclusion as possible. The volunteers of Óglaigh na hÉireann are citizens in uniform and they are proud to be the first to serve.
Critical turns in critical theory: new directions in social and political thought
(Taurus Academic Studies, 2009) Ó Tuama, Séamus
The contemporary world is one of contingency and risk. We face a range of social and political problems barely imaginable to previous generations. Here the technique of critical social theory is applied to some of the most challenging social and political questions of our time. "Critical Turns in Critical Theory" brings together a diverse range of scholars to discuss a number of issues facing civil society at a regional and global level in recent years. The book explores new theories, critiques, analyses and practices to address debates about risk, responsibility, ethics, communication, the environment, science and technology, gender, identity, development and law. Loosely based on the seminal work of the critical social theorist Piet Strydom, "Critical Turns in Critical Theory" offers a set of perspectives and critiques that reshape some traditional concepts of critical social theory and challenge the liberal consensus which dominates contemporary civil society.
Dáil reforms since 2011: Pathway to power for the 'puny' parliament?
(De Gruyter Open, 2017-05-23) Lynch, Catherine; O'Malley, Eoin; Reidy, Theresa; Farrell, David M.; Suiter, Jane
We know that the Dáil is dominated by the government. From 2010 to 2016 there was a clamour for change, which ultimately led to significant reforms of the Oireachtas, and specifically the Dáil. In this article we show that the basis for the weakness of the Dáil was the government’s control of the legislative agenda. This article tracks the changes that were made, and we make an early assessment of them. However, firm conclusions are difficult to draw because of the extent to which the strengthening of the Dáil is a function of the weak position of the current minority government.
The death of conservative Ireland? The 2018 abortion referendum
(Elsevier, 2020-04-05) Elkink, Johan A.; Farrell, David M.; Marien, Sofie; Reidy, Theresa; Suiter, Jane
The outcomes of two recent Irish referendums - on marriage equality in 2015 and abortion in 2018 - have placed contemporary Irish voters in sharp contrast with their long-standing conservative Catholic reputation. These referendums also stand out internationally because of an associated deliberative innovation. This paper aims to explain the watershed abortion vote drawing on theories of generational change, issue-voting, cue-taking and deliberative democracy, using data from an exit poll at the 2018 abortion referendum. We show that cleavage and age effects are key to understanding the referendum outcome. These results offer insight into how societal processes such as rapid secularisation, generational replacement and democratic innovations shape politics. Moreover, voters who were aware of the deliberative innovation were more likely to support the liberal referendum option. To increase willingness to deviate from the status quo, engaging citizens actively in the debate is a fruitful approach.
Defence planning in Ireland
(University College Cork, 2022-10-06) Crummey, Declan; Cottey, Andrew
This research explores defence planning in Ireland, establishing incrementalism as the theory of public policy that best reflects decision-making in Ireland’s defence policy. The research also establishes the institutions and actors that are involved, how they are organised and what relationship exists between them, while identifying Ireland’s defence planning model. The challenge of how a society plans for and manages defence, and defence planning as a practice to meet this challenge, has existed throughout history. Most modern democratic states maintain the ability to organise a collective military force. The procedures and processes that determine what that military force consists of, and what it can do, is defence planning. Effective and efficient defence planning is more concerned with the form and function of the future military force than the deployment of the current one. The research was conducted from a mixed-method, concurrent quantitative and qualitative design position utilising the phenomenological approach. Three (3) primary methods of data collection were identified by the researcher in this mixed-methods research design – document review, interviews, and a web-based survey. The findings indicate that structured defence planning occurs in Ireland. Defence planning in Ireland recognises specific national challenges in relation to threat perception, a traditionally low defence spend and the lack of a national discourse on defence matters. There is a clearly defined structure for the management of defence planning in Ireland from the Government through the Minister for Defence to the civil and military elements of the Department of Defence. The primary tool utilised for defence policy is a White Paper process but there is uncertainty about how this policy will be expressed in the future. There have only been two (2) White Papers on Defence in the history of the State. From a historical reluctance to formulate defence policy, incrementalism has emerged as the prevailing theory of public policy underpinning defence in Ireland. The civil-military relationship in Ireland is not clearly defined. As a result, there are different interpretations, understandings and perspectives between civil and military personnel. Threat based planning is stated to be the planning framework for defence policy but the research indicates that a combination of resource constrained planning and incremental planning is more accurate. There is influence from, and engagement with, International Organisations evident in Ireland’s defence planning but a NATO or EU approach is not adopted. A critical gap identified in the historical and current context, is the lack of clearly defined and stated threats and subsequent tasks for the military force. This should exist as a high-level policy parameter such as a National Security Strategy to which a subordinate defence policy can be nested and clear tasks and objectives can be determined for the military.
Deliberative democracy in action Irish-style: The 2011 We The Citizens pilot citizens assembly
(2012-04) Farrell, David M.; O'Malley, Eoin; Suiter, Jane; Atlantic Philanthropies

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